Last week, at the John Adams debate caucus, several critical questions were asked of neopopulist speakers. These questions were asked in a time where the people hold Congress and the President at historically low levels. Here is a recitation of those questions and written responses.
Question 1: What evidence would it require for a neopopulist speaker to admit that the speaker does not speak for the people?
None. Neopopulist speakers are committed, in the first instance, to speaking for the interests of the people.
This wonderful question is targeted, like an arrow aimed for the bullseye, on a critical, irresolvable political paradox for neopopulists.
How do neopopulists impose their political will through government on the people while still loving the same people? Neopopulists begin with this paradox and admit it is irresolvable. However, admitting this irresolvable paradox is the start, not the end of the debate.
In addressing this paradox, neopopulists admit they do not speak as moral agents for the people. Put another way, neopopulists do not speak as substitutes for the people's voice.
Rather, neopopulists, out of love for the people, speak for the interests of the people. This is the the way in which neopopulists assert their legitimacy, their political will and their love of the people -- all at one time.
The right-wing and left-wing critics of neopopulism will assert that the neopopulist position then can be reduced to its own ideology -- no different in type than their own ideologies. The criticism would reduce neopopulism to individual neopopulists autonomously asserting political will by its own ideology or set of ideologies.
There are many neopopulist responses to this criticism.
First, the critics' assertion that neopopulists operate autonomously, politically and ideologically is not in itself an answer to the irresolvable paradox of imposing political will on your neighbor while still loving your neighbor. Conservative and liberal ideologues ignore this political paradox by operating on an ideological level -- combatants on a political zero-sum battleground. Neopopulists view that political zero-sum battleground as an unnecessary elitist exercise of power. Neopopulists assert their political will differently. Neopopulists view the real battle as ensuring our modern bureaucratic state -- including all the branches of government -- serves the people and respects the dignity of the people.
Second, neopopulists ask the question back to the critics, "Who do you speak for -- the people or God?" Neopopulists out of humility choose to speak for the people rather than God. After all, neopopulists do not assert autonomy outside of the context of neighbor and do not propose universal, systematic principles to explain how humanity and the social order should work. Conservative and liberal ideologues, on the other hand, act as God when they assert autonomy separate and apart from the context of neighbor and propose universal, systematic principles to explain how humanity and the social order should work.
Now, to be fair, neopopulists would agree that there should be an all-inclusive democratic deliberation among the people on the principles to explain how humanity and the social order should work. Neopopulists assert their political will to have this discussion -- separate and apart from the God-talk of the conservative and liberal ideologues. The conservative and liberal ideologues want to turn the people's discussion about the social order into a zero-sum political game because of their ideological and partisan reductionism. Neopopulists disagree.
Third, neopopulists do have a substantive political program addressing democratic deficits in the existing modern regulatory state. For example, neopopulists support: more directly-elected executive officials in the federal and state government; direct election of federal and state judges; more aggressive legislative and judicial oversight of administrative agencies; less delegation of law-making authority to administrative agencies; aggressive facilitation and representation of citizens vis-a-vis federal and state authorities in criminal and civil proceedings to actually effect the rule of law.
As to foreign governments, neopopulists are also skeptical of the European Union being a stepping stone to a federated Europe because of its democratic deficits including the legislative power primarily being left in the hands of the Commission -- 25,000 experts working in Brussels. Neopopulists see the American federal government trending towards the model of the EU expert-laden legislative process -- increasing democratic deficits not minimizing them.
In response to neopopulists identifying democratic deficits, conservative and liberal ideologues have little interesting to say. The ideologues and their political game have become so predictable and dull that not only the newspapers but even the politicians are beginning to become bored of it.
Fourth, neopopulists appreciate the paradoxes involved in the question of the elusive "I." Politically, the neopopulists choose to define the elusive "I" in the context of neighbor -- thus diminishing autonomy of the political actor. Conservative and liberal ideologues have chosen to maximize autonomy of the political actor -- God-talk -- at the expense of the love-neighbor limitiation.
Neopopulists believe that diminishing the autonomy of the political actor by the love-neighbor limitation will result in more people-oriented results. Conservatives may object because tradition - the democracy of the dead -- is a sufficient limitation of the politician's autonomy. Similarly, liberals may object because current constitutional and institutional limits themselves serve to limit the politician's autonomy.
Neopopulists don't necessarily disagree with these objections, they just go futher with the love-neighbor limitation which politically, philosophically and morally limits the politician's autonomy to... nothing?
No, not quite, neopopulists recognize the above-explained irresolvable paradox. If the politician's automony was reduced to self-abnegation, how could the politician enforce his will against another? That is why it is an irresolvable paradox.
Fifth, on the more humorous side, a colleague of mine who agreed with neopopulist principles as to love of neighbor claimed to be too humble to call himself a neopopulist. Neopopulists like this type of person but they make lousy politicians.
Question 2: Which is more manly -- ideological politics or neopopulist politics?
Neopopulists believe that the love-neighbor limitation is more manly than the ideologue's illusion of self-autonomy. Manliness requires authenticity. The ideologue's self-autonomy contradicts experience, coherence and transcendental truths.
First, experience show that people are dependent on each other. Self-autonomy contradicts this shared experience. The love-neighbor limitation is consistent with this experience.
Second, coherence requires intelligible consistency. If we are all self-autonomous ideologues, what need is there for community? Neopopulists, in the first instance, acknowledge community.
Third, the ideologue's automony violates the transcendental truth that man is not God and each man is not his own God. The ideologue's proposal of universal truths explaining the Universe is God-talk. Neopopulists acknowledge they are not gods.
Question 3: Do neopopulist narratives appeal to emotions?
No. Neopopulist narratives are circumscribed to citizen efforts to counteract government violations of the rule of law. Neopopulist narratives are hard-headed and document when the government acts in mediocre, mendacious and/or self-contradictory ways.
And more. I'm not looking for this stuff; it's everywhere.
Today, Yahoo Finance Market Watch
9 Reasons Your Taxes Are Going Up
No matter who's elected president, the debt party's over
Well, folks, the party's over. Campaign rhetoric won't hide America's excesses, denial, incompetence and arrogance much longer. No matter who's elected, taxes will increase to cover massive debts.
Yes, our five-year war was totally financed by borrowing. But unfortunately, "deficit spending gives the illusion that the laws of economics can be repealed. They cannot. Americans will have to pay for the war at some point -- and when they do, they will be paying not the Bush markdown but the full price," the authors say.
Scribbler,
Where are on God's green earth did you get this? "We are currently $53 trillion in debt, $400,000 per household, and it will cost $2-3 trillion more every year we fail to take action."
Huh? Total US government debt is $9.5 trillion, or about $31,000 per person. About half of that is held by the Federal Government itself in the form of the Social Security Trust Fund. IOU's to yourself aren't debt and so don't count. Nearly another trillion is held by the Federal Reserve. This is because the Fed gets money into the economy by buying Treasury securities. So unless you think they are going to shrink the money supply (by selling their Treasuries) these don't count either. So the Federal debt is really closer to $4 trillion, so were looking at maybe $15,000 per person.
That doesn't count as Federal debt implicit "obligations" to future Social Security recipients. But no estimate of these comes even close to the numbers you are talking about. (And any calculation of this would also have to take into account that we have "obligations" to the government as well, such as paying taxes on the money in our 401k's and IRA's when we withdraw).
So everyone is entitled to their own opinions, but not their own facts. Does your number include mortgage debt? All private debt?
If so, I can't see how this is relevant. If I owe you $100,000, then I can see how you may think I'm in financial trouble, but I don't see how you can think WE (you and me together) are in financial trouble. Between the two of us, our total net worth is the same regardless of how much I owe you.
Google "$53 trillion obligations" and you'll come up with about 52,000 results.
Our obligations are debt. My mortgage payment, which doesn't have to be paid all at once, is an obligation and a debt. Medicare and Social Security ARE obligations. We owe that money.
You use the words "Social Security Trust Fund." LOL. You always were such a joker!
Scribbler,
My point of the SS fund holding Treasuries was precisely that this didn't count. It was one arm of the govt owing the other.
So I googled your $53 trillion. That is one estimate of SS and Medicare "obligations" plus the current debt. These are an estimate of the present value of the cost of providing these benefits IF NO CHANGES ARE MADE TO THE PROGRAMS. But these obligations have been reduced in the past. (Taxing SS benefits is exactly the same as reducing the amount of untaxed benefits, and we did this in the 80's.) More fundamentally, these debt numbers are essentially meaningless in determining the fiscal health of the country.
That is, suppose the government simply announced tomorrow "guess what everyone. Social Security and Medicare are now abolished. No more Social Security taxes and no more Medicare taxes and no more payments to old people." Are we as a society any richer? Are we any poorer? Answer: Some of us are richer (the young), some are poorer (the old) but as a whole, we are even.
But how can that be when we now have $53 trillion less in obligations? It's because, after the change, we also have $53 trillion less in assets.
If you want to worry about the fact that the country is aging, go right ahead. That's a real worry and incompatible with everyone retiring earlier. But that has nothing to do with made up accounting numbers like $53 trillion.
"Medicare and Social Security ARE obligations. We owe that money."
Legally Social Security and Medicare benefits in the future are political promises made by politicians. They are not money that the United State Government owes, unlike Treasury Securities.
Practically, Social Security and Medicare benefits are reduced or raised depending on the shifting political winds. The Social Security retirement age used to be 65, is 67 under current law for me, and will probably be a higher number in the future.
"But how can that be when we now have $53 trillion less in obligations? It's because, after the change, we also have $53 trillion less in assets."
The tragedy of Social Security and Medicare is that delivering trillions of dollars of benefits will cost our economy far more than the dollar amount of benefits paid. The FICA taxes discourage labor supply by placing an extra 15.3% tax wedge for most wage-earners on top of state and federal income taxes. This encourages employers and employees to inefficiently provide compensation in non-taxable forms. It encourages clever attorneys, like John Edwards, to use real resources to transform labor income into non-labor income for tax purposes to avoid the Medicare portion on FICA. FICA taxes discourage investments in education by greatly reducing the returns to education investment for most Americans.
If you want to you one estimate of the discounted present value of SS and Medicare promises as $43 trillion, that the real cost of providing that is probably a present value of roughly $68 trillion. That is computed by using the Browning and Browning Public Finance textbook estimates that the marginal cost of a dollar raised by income tax is about $1.58.
So ending all Social Security and Medicare promises and taxes might result in a efficiency gain of a little less than two years GDP ($25 trillion).
This is a really rough estimate, but I think I did get the order of magnitude right.
So if we reduce $43 trillion in the present value of federal transfers, we may save $68 trillion.
Why doesn't some conservative make estimates of the excess burden and compliance costs taxes part of the revenue forecasting process in D.C?
For a nice discussion of the bad effects of taxes read Marty Feldstein:
http://ideas.repec.org/p/nbr/nberwo/13745.html
More is available on taxes and Social Security here: http://www.nber.org/feldstein/
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